Baloch Discontent 2025: A Legacy of Corrupt Leadership and Betrayed Trust
Written By: Ehsan Mughees
The narrative of Baloch discontent in Balochistan’s grievances has long been framed as a struggle against state neglect. However, a closer examination reveals a more insidious truth: decades of systemic corruption, mismanagement, and duplicity by Balochistan’s political elite have fueled the province’s instability.
While the Pakistani government has allocated substantial resources to uplift Balochistan, its leaders—entrenched in feudal power structures—have repeatedly siphoned funds meant for public welfare to enrich themselves, suppress dissent, and even arm anti-state militias. The result is a tragic cycle of poverty, radicalization, and distrust that harms ordinary Baloch citizens the most.
Pakistan
The insurgency in Balochistan is an ongoing insurgency[41][16] and revolt[42] by Baloch separatist insurgents and various Islamist militant groups against the Government of Pakistan and Iran in the province of Balochistan. Rich in natural resources, Balochistan is the largest, least populated and least developed province in Pakistan.[43] Armed groups demand greater control of the province’s natural resources and political autonomy.[44]
Baloch separatists have attacked civilians from other ethnicities throughout the province.[45] In the 2010s, attacks against the Shia community by sectarian groups—though not always directly related to the political struggle—rose, contributing to tensions in Balochistan.[46][47] In Pakistan, the ethnic separatist insurgency is low-scale but ongoing mainly in southern Balochistan, as well as sectarian and religiously motivated militancy concentrated mainly in northern and central Balochistan.[48]
Baloch Discontent
A History of Broken Promises
Since Pakistan’s inception, Balochistan’s tribal and political leaders have positioned themselves as champions of the people while colluding with external actors and exploiting state resources. Successive governments in Islamabad granted Balochistan unprecedented autonomy under the 18th Amendment, increased provincial revenue shares through the National Finance Commission (NFC) Awards, and launched mega-projects like the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) to spur development. Billions of rupees were earmarked for education, healthcare, and infrastructure. Yet, Balochistan remains Pakistan’s least developed province, with over 70% of its population living below the poverty line.
Where did the money go?
Investigations by Pakistan’s Auditor General and independent watchdogs like Transparency International repeatedly uncover embezzlement, ghost projects, and blatant theft by provincial leaders. For instance, in 2011, then-Chief Minister Nawab Aslam Raisani faced allegations of misusing Rs 40 billion in development funds. Similarly, funds for drought relief in 2018 vanished without a trace, leaving desperate communities to starve. Such brazen corruption has bred disillusionment, pushing marginalized youth toward militancy.
Feudal Lords Turned Warlords
Nawab Akbar Bugti
Balochistan’s political landscape is dominated by tribal chieftains and feudal families who prioritize self-interest over public welfare. These leaders, often glorified as “Sardars,” have historically leveraged their influence to secure state funds and privileges, only to divert resources toward consolidating power.
A glaring example is the late Nawab Akbar Bugti, a former governor and minister who received hefty state subsidies and development grants for his Dera Bugti district. Instead of building schools or hospitals, Bugti allegedly diverted funds to arm his private militia, later morphing into the Baloch Liberation Army (BLA). His successors, including Brahumdagh Bugti, inherited this legacy, rebranding theft as “resistance.”
Sardar Akhtar Mengal
Other prominent families, such as the Mengals and Marris, have similarly exploited state resources. Sardar Akhtar Mengal, a former chief minister and head of the Balochistan National Party (BNP), has long criticized Islamabad for “oppression,” yet his tenure saw little improvement in governance.
Reports suggest that development funds in his stronghold, Khuzdar, were funneled into patronage networks rather than public projects. These leaders benefit from portraying Balochistan as a “victim” of the state while perpetuating the very conditions that keep their people oppressed.
Militias: A Business Model for Elites
Corruption alone does not explain Balochistan’s crisis. Disturbingly, evidence suggests that some Baloch leaders have covertly supported anti-state militias to maintain relevance and extract concessions from Islamabad. By nurturing insecurity, they position themselves as mediators between the state and insurgents, securing political leverage and financial rewards. For instance, leaked documents and insider accounts reveal that certain Sardars received state compensation for “peacekeeping” in their areas, only to use those funds to arm local gangs.
The case of Nawabzada Gazain Marri, son of the late Nawab Khair Bakhsh Marri, epitomizes this duality. Gazain, once a parliamentarian, later joined the Baloch Republican Army (BRA), a militant group. His journey from politician to insurgent commander underscores how elites manipulate both state and anti-state systems for personal gain. Similarly, figures like Allah Nazar Baloch of the Baloch Liberation Front (BLF) transitioned from student politics to militancy, exploiting state scholarships and resources before turning against Pakistan.
The CPEC Paradox: Elites vs. Progress
Balochistan’s elites have particularly opposed CPEC, which promises $60 billion in infrastructure and energy investments. While they publicly decry the project as “exploitation,” their resistance stems from fear: CPEC threatens to dismantle their monopoly over resources and patronage. Gwadar Port, for example, could transform Balochistan into a regional trade hub, empowering local entrepreneurs and laborers.
Instead, leaders like Nawab Sanaullah Zehri (former chief minister) and current members of the Balochistan Assembly have been accused of stoking anti-CPEC sentiment to protect smuggling rackets and land-grabbing empires.
Meanwhile, Baloch youth remain deprived of CPEC-linked job opportunities due to sabotage by militant groups backed by these very elites. The 2021 attack on a Quetta hotel hosting Chinese investors and the 2022 bombing of a university bus in Karachi—both claimed by the BLA—reflect efforts to scare away development.
Accountability: The Path Forward
To break this cycle, Pakistan must confront the complicity of Balochistan’s leadership. The National Accountability Bureau (NAB) has made sporadic efforts, such as arresting ex-provincial minister Zamrak Khan Achakzai in 2020 for embezzling Rs 500 million, but systemic reform is needed. Transparent audits of provincial funds, stricter oversight of development projects, and dismantling feudal power structures through land reforms are critical steps.
Moreover, the international community must stop romanticizing Baloch “activists” who whitewash militant violence. Figures like Mahrang Baloch, who blame the state while ignoring her own leadership’s corruption, deepen divisions instead of solving them.
Conclusion: Liberation from Exploiters
Balochistan’s plight is not a tale of state neglect but of elite betrayal. For too long, feudal lords have masqueraded as saviors while robbing their people and fueling strife. True liberation for Balochistan lies in holding its corrupt leaders accountable, empowering grassroots voices, and ensuring that every rupee spent transforms into roads, schools, and hope. Only then can the province—and Pakistan—move toward lasting peace.
